Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/Single/2015-10-21

Editorial
Women and Wikipedia: the world is watching

News and notes
Wikimedia lawsuit against NSA dismissed; Affiliates mailing list launched

In the media
"Wikipedia's hostility to women"

Special report
One year of GamerGate, or how I learned to stop worrying and love bare rule-level consensus

Featured content
A more balanced week

Op-ed
Wikipedia is significantly amplifying the impact of Open Access publications

Arbitration report
Four ArbCom cases ongoing

Traffic report
Hiding under the covers of the Internet

Technology report
Tech news in brief

 

2015-10-21

Women and Wikipedia: the world is watching

By Gamaliel

Women's history Wikipedia edit-a-thon at the Berkman Center for Internet and Society, 2013

The talk in many corners of Wikipedia this week has been Emma Paling’s article "Wikipedia's Hostility to Women" in The Atlantic. The article, which we cover in detail in this week's "In the media", discusses the major issues involving women and the encyclopedia, including systemic bias in Wikipedia's coverage, the gender gap among contributors, and this summer's Arbitration case, which ended in a site ban for Lightbreather. Most of these goings-on will be familiar to readers; ITM contains a number of links to previous Signpost coverage for those who are not.

A number of Wikipedians have dismissed this article due to several small errors of fact that have since been corrected, including mention of the article about Nellie Brown instead of Clara H. Hasse, and the misidentifying of one user as an administrator. Other editors noted that the Lightbreather case was primarily about her behavior on articles related to gun control, a topic not mentioned by The Atlantic, and have written that her behavior justified the ban. To them, these temporary inaccuracies make the rest of the coverage of Wikipedia suspect. To the outside world, these are minor details. Sorry, nobody cares which of us is an administrator here and which of us is not. Non-editors may even agree that Lightbreather's behavior was inappropriate and she should have been banned. What they will never understand—when they see directed at her the sentence "The easiest way to avoid being called a cunt is not to act like one", a sentence that remarkably remains un-redacted and un-oversighted to this day—is why she was banned and the person who said this to her was not.

On User talk:Jimbo Wales, MarkBernstein summed up the matter from this perspective:

“ Of course, Paling’s argument remains devastating: calling a woman a cunt is permissible, but that woman’s feisty editing was intolerable, even after taking into account vicious and unremitting sexual harassment. Indeed, ArbCom initially urged future culprits faced with harassment to lower their profile—an invidious recommendation that was reluctantly amended after community outcry.

In the big picture, petty procedural details have no impact outside Wikipedia, while Wikipedia's continuing embrace of harassment and protection of harassers remains the key story for the world outside the project’s back rooms.

”

This is clear as day to everyone who is not on Wikipedia. In any sane institution or workplace, this behavior would be unacceptable, and Wikipedia seems to be one of the few places left that doesn't understand that. Here, the mansplaining brigade comes to tell women that the harassment directed at women is all just in their heads, or that men have it just as hard as women online. In the face of all the evidence and all the accounts of harassment offered, they persist, as if out of some deep-seated psychological need to minimize the harassment of women. Or perhaps they like it that way; perhaps they prefer a swaggering atmosphere of faux-intellectual machismo, and they think it's their due as macho content creators to drive their enemies before them and hear the lamentation of women editors.

Wikipedia cannot simultaneously claim to be at the vanguard of technological and informational change while clinging to a Mad Men-era attitude towards the treatment of women. The world is changing. Case in point is the recent controversy regarding Geoffrey Marcy. He spent an entire career allegedly engaging in sexual harassment and other victimizing behaviors while a whole host of others enabled and protected him because he was or was becoming a prominent scientific content creator. The world will no longer stand for this behavior. If a male scientist at the top of his field who was frequently mentioned as a Nobel Prize contender is out of a job, do you think the world is going to accept similar behavior from amateur online encyclopedia article writers?

The denizens of the 15-year-old Wikipedia may smugly dismiss the findings of the 158-year-old Atlantic, but the rest of the world isn't seeing it that way. Rhododendrites posted on Twitter that "It's goddamn embarrassing that problems faced by women on Wikipedia have persisted so long that it's now a mainstream media narrative." Even my own mother, whose interest in internet drama seldom ventures beyond Candy Crush, is posting articles on Facebook about how Wikipedia is struggling with issues involving women. We may have successfully rebutted the media narrative about Wikipedia's instability and unreliability with years of hard work and improvements to the encyclopedia, but all of that work may come undone if this persists as the new media narrative.

Here's a hard truth for you: If you don't clean up this mess, the adults are going to come and take your toys away from you. The money could dry up: donations could drop, grants could disappear, academic research involving Wikipedia could vanish. Already, scholars of video games and digital media are reporting difficulties finding funding and academic support in the wake of the internet hate mobs of Gamergate. The same thing could happen to Wikipedia.

Andrew Lih at WikiConference USA

You may think of Wikipedia as some kind of libertarian techno-utopia that is immune to outside forces, but Wikipedia exists only because the world allows it to exist. It is supported by funding and donations, by academic research, and by its prominence in Google search results. At WikiConference USA two weeks ago, Andrew Lih asked "Where will Wikipedia be in another 15 years?" and warned that we could easily go the way of any number of other failed web projects. Its failure to deal with misogynistic harassment and systemic bias issues could be a contributor to its collapse. Something dramatic could happen, like Richard Branson putting Jimmy Wales in charge of a new billion-dollar web encyclopedia. More likely, it will go out not with a bang but with a whimper, slowly and incrementally, perhaps as the funding shrinks or Google drops the search engine prominence of what it perceives to be a misogynistic cesspool. Historians will look back on this as the turning point, and as old men (as we are, after all, mostly men) we will wonder whatever happened to that fun project where we used to spend so much of our time.

Maybe you don't care. A lot of us came here from other web projects and might disperse into new projects if Wikipedia fails. But if you do care, you will only have to do one thing: get out of the way. Stop interrupting every conversation about these issues by attempting to minimize them with your mansplaining. Stop disrupting every attempt to enforce the few rules that we do have and harassing the people attempting to enforce them. Stop objecting to every attempt to build new policies and structures to grapple with these problems. If you are in a position of community trust, such as an administrator, functionary, or arbitrator, resign.

If you do this, we'll fix the problem for you and preserve your sandbox for as long as you want to play in it. You will find to your surprise that little will change for you on Wikipedia. You will have to do a lot less mansplaining and be a lot less belligerent, but you'll still be able to work on encyclopedia content otherwise unmolested. No matter how good you think your content creation and other contributions are, if you’re unable to cope emotionally with diversity, you put at risk the survival of your work beyond the short term.

Reader comments

2015-10-21

Wikimedia lawsuit against NSA dismissed; Affiliates mailing list launched

By Andreas Kolbe

Wikimedia lawsuit against NSA dismissed

As reported on October 23 by Ars Technica, The Guardian, TechDirt, The Baltimore Sun, Gizmodo and others, the case brought by the Wikimedia Foundation and others against the National Security Agency (see previous Signpost coverage) has been dismissed on standing grounds.

Judge T. S. Ellis III (misidentified in Wikipedia and by Ars Technica as Richard D. Bennett), who had also presided over the lawsuit's first hearing last month, said in his memorandum opinion (available here) that the suit relied on "the subjective fear of surveillance". He also critiqued various aspects of the plaintiffs' statistical analysis, which sought to demonstrate that Wikipedia traffic must have been caught up in NSA data collection. Ellis characterized said analysis as "mathematical gymnastics", "incomplete and riddled with assumptions":

“ In short, plaintiffs' assumption appears to be the product of reverse engineering; plaintiffs first defined the conclusion they sought – virtual certainty – and then worked backwards to find a figure that would lead to that conclusion. Mathematical gymnastics of this sort do not constitute "sufficient factual matter" to support a "plausible allegation". ”

Ellis' dismissal of the case was in large part based on the United States Supreme Court's 5–4 majority decision in Clapper v. Amnesty International USA:

“ As already discussed, although plaintiffs have alleged facts that plausibly establish that the NSA uses Upstream surveillance at some number of chokepoints, they have not alleged facts that plausibly establish that the NSA is using Upstream surveillance to copy all or substantially all communications passing through those chokepoints. In this regard, plaintiffs can only speculate, which Clapper forecloses as a basis for standing. ”

In conclusion, Ellis asserted that any concern that the principles established in Clapper would immunize surveillance from scrutiny was misplaced: "no government surveillance program is immunized from judicial scrutiny", Ellis said, enumerating several ways in which such scrutiny can take place, for example through the non-public reviews performed by the United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, or when surveillance results are used in a criminal prosecution.

Ellis concluded by saying that

“ establishing standing to challenge section 702 in a civil case is plainly difficult. But such difficulty comes with the territory. It is not a flaw of a classified program that standing to challenge that program is not easily established; it is a constitutional requirement essential to separation of powers. ”

Responses

Commenting on Ellis' argument that government surveillance programs were subject to judicial scrutiny whenever the intelligence gleaned was used in criminal proceedings, Techdirt's Mike Masnick pointed out that the U.S. government has in the past failed to make the appropriate disclosures in such cases:

“ The court also rejects the idea that this kind of ruling means that the Upstream program can never face judicial review, pretending that the fact that the FISA court reviewed it (without any adversarial party) is enough ... and (again, incorrectly) that criminal defendants prosecuted with information collected under the program can challenge said collection. And, yes, it's true that the DOJ has now said that it will start informing defendants, but it didn't for years.

The ACLU is, not surprisingly, upset by the ruling, and I imagine it will be appealed soon.

”

ACLU National Security Project staff attorney Patrick Toomey, who argued the case pro bono on behalf of the plaintiffs, said,

“ The court has wrongly insulated the NSA's spying from meaningful judicial scrutiny. ”

On its website, the ACLU said, in part,

“ Today’s ruling cites the Supreme Court’s decision in a previous ACLU lawsuit challenging the NSA’s warrantless wiretapping program, Clapper v. Amnesty. The Supreme Court dismissed that case in February 2013 in a 5–4 vote on the grounds that the plaintiffs could not prove that they had been spied on.

Following Clapper, documents released by Edward Snowden and official government disclosures revealed the breadth of upstream surveillance. Unlike the surveillance considered by the Supreme Court in Clapper, upstream surveillance is not limited to the communications of NSA targets. Instead, the NSA is searching the content of nearly all text-based Internet traffic entering or leaving the country – as well as many domestic communications – looking for thousands of key terms such as email addresses or phone numbers.

”

The Wikimedia Foundation released a statement on its blog, saying in part:

“ Judge T.S. Ellis III, the presiding judge, dismissed the case on standing grounds. The court held that our complaint did not plausibly allege that the NSA was monitoring our or other plaintiffs’ communications. Additionally, the court referenced the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Clapper v. Amnesty International, although, in our opinion, the facts before the court were dramatically different from the ones that were before the Supreme Court in Amnesty.

We respectfully disagree with the Court's decision to dismiss. There is no question that Upstream surveillance captures the communications of both the user community and the Wikimedia Foundation itself. We believe that our claims have merit. In consultation with our lawyers at the ACLU, we will review the decision and expect to appeal to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals.

”

Affiliates mailing list launched

An October 15 post on the Wikimedia-l mailing list announced the launch of the

“ Wikimedia Affiliates mailing list, which is basically a place for all the affiliates (chapters, thematic organizations, user groups) to discuss issues related to affiliates, make announcements to other affiliates, and collaborate on activities and community-wide events. The idea is to help facilitate the dialogue affiliates across our movement, plus collaborative discussions like community-wide activities, joint edit-a-thons, regional conferences, blog/report posts, or other communications from affiliates.

Each Wikimedia movement affiliate is allocated three spots on the mailing list. All affiliates may contact the Affiliations Committee to request additional spots if needed.

”

The announcement sparked a considerable amount of debate as to whether another mailing list was necessary or desirable.

Brief notes

This aerial photograph of the Westerheversand Lighthouse took first place among German entries to the 2015 Wiki Loves Monuments contest.

• This year’s victorious monument photos from Germany are listed in a post on the Wikimedia blog.
• Wikipedia wins Princess of Asturias Award: Wikipedia was the recipient of the 2015 Award for International Cooperation at the Princess of Asturias Awards. Other award winners included U.S. filmmaker Francis Ford Coppola, Cuban writer Leonardo Padura Fuentes, Spanish philosopher Emilio Lledo, French economist Esther Duflo and biochemists Emmanuelle Charpentier and Jennifer Doudna. For further details, see the related Wikimedia blog post and press coverage by the Latin American Herald Tribune and others.

Reader comments

2015-10-21

"Wikipedia's hostility to women"

By Andreas Kolbe

In an article in The Atlantic titled "Wikipedia's hostility to women", Emma Paling reports (October 21) on Wikipedia's gender bias, a recurring topic in media discussions of Wikipedia.

Leading with a detailed account of the gender-based and sexual harassment Lightbreather experienced prior to being site-banned in an arbitration case (see previous Signpost coverage), Paling goes on to say,

“ Wales said when he created the site it would be based on a "culture of thoughtful, diplomatic honesty" and a "neutral point of view" – but over time, that point of view came to be dominated by whoever joined Wikipedia first and wrote the most. As a result, Wikipedia has become a kind of Internet oligarchy, where those who have been around the longest have the most control.

"Most people look at Wikipedia, and see the text, and assume that it's unproblematically produced by volunteers and always on a trajectory to improvement," said Julia Adams, a sociologist at Yale University who's studying how academic knowledge is portrayed on Wikipedia. "But that is simply not the case."

ArbCom is a prime example. Because ArbCom members are mostly male, biases appear in the committee's decision-making, said Molly White, an editor who goes by GorillaWarfare on Wikipedia and is one of ArbCom's two female members. ArbCom members also tend to be white, formally educated, and from the global north, she added. "I don't think anyone on the Arbitration Committee is intentionally trying to keep women and other minorities out of Wikipedia, but I do think that the decisions sometimes have that effect," White said.

”

Paling notes, correctly, that the Wikimedia Foundation has come nowhere near realising its 2011 goal to increase female participation to 25 percent; even in the Foundation's Inspire campaign, specifically designed to look for proposals to address Wikipedia's gender gap, only 34 per cent of those who submitted ideas identified as female, according to Paling. The imbalance affects content as well as the editing climate, Paling says, quoting again Julia Adams:

“ When institutions like Wikipedia "involve systematic distortion, then we get farther and farther away from accurate understandings of the world," said Adams. "And that presents all kinds of problems – some of them trivial, some of them quite big." ”

Paling cites "Categorygate" (see previous Signpost coverage) as one example of this, and describes efforts led by editors like Emily Temple-Wood to address gender-related gaps in Wikipedia's coverage.

However, challenging the status quo on Wikipedia is no easy task, Paling notes.

“ All the Wikipedia contributors interviewed said that if a woman wants to last as an editor on the site, there are certain fights she just doesn't pick.

"When you put 'feminism' in anything on Wikipedia, all hell breaks loose," said [Sarah] Stierch. "I've been called a Feminazi more times than I can count."

"The lunatics are running the asylum," she added. "And the non-profit that operates it can't even control them. What do you do when you don't have a principal to tell all the kids to behave?"

”

Paling's article sparked voluminous discussions on the Gender Gap mailing list, on Jimmy Wales' talk page and in the "Wikipedia Weekly" group on Facebook. These discussions among Wikipedians identified a number of errors of fact that were subsequently corrected in the article.

In brief

Joanna Newsom: "Wikipedia is amazing."

• Joanna Newsom's high dive: Joanna Newsom talks about her enjoyment of Wikipedia in a Newsweek article (October 21). A journey down one particular Wikipedia "rabbit hole", focused on Washington Square Park, provided inspiration for the song "Sapokanikan" on Newsom's recently released album Divers.
• The future according to Wikipedia: The Long + Short magazine looks at some predictions of the future contained on Wikipedia's pages (October 20).
• 2010s in fashion: Slate describes the Wikipedia page 2010s in fashion as "the most haunting document of our time" (October 20).
• Wikipedia article found in juror notebook: MLive.com reports (October 15) that a Wikipedia article found in a juror's notebook may have improperly affected a jury's decision in a Michigan murder case. (During a jury trial, jurors are not allowed to take recourse to any source of information other than those supplied or approved by the court.)
• Koavf profiled: Prolific Wikipedia editor Koavf is profiled on Priceonomics.com (October 14) and newser.com (October 18).
• Johnny Au profiled: User:Johnny Au is profiled (October 12) in the Toronto Star for his long-term attention to the Toronto Blue Jays article.
• The chaotic wisdom of Wikipedia paragraphs: Paul Ford, writing for The New Republic, presents an engaging discussion (October 7) of Wikipedia's markup language.

Do you want to contribute to "In the media" by writing a story or even just an "in brief" item? Edit next week's edition in the Newsroom or contact the editor.

Reader comments

2015-10-21

One year of GamerGate, or how I learned to stop worrying and love bare rule-level consensus

By Thibbs

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Last month marked the first anniversary of Wikipedia's involvement with the GamerGate (GG) controversy and its seething throngs of partisans. For those who remain as yet unaware of this confusingly -gate-suffixed brouhaha, it can be summarized thus: a social-media-based slug-fest between two groups:

• The GamerGaters/Pro-GamerGaters, who described themselves as an ethics-oriented consumer movement of video game enthusiasts.
• The anti-GamerGaters, who characterized the GamerGaters as a monolithic gang of misogynists.

The depiction of GamerGate in the mainstream media has generally aligned with the anti-side's assessment, which the pro-side has taken as confirmation of their suspicions regarding the unethical bias of the mainstream media. The disagreement has been raging for more than a year and seems intractable. Surprisingly, Wikipedia's article on the topic sees little if any involvement from editors affiliated with Wikipedia's Video Game WikiProject (WP:VG). Instead, the bulk of the edits have come from a small cadre of prolific editors and a long tail cavalcade of fly-by-night accounts that pop up and vanish—or even re-animate, golem-like, after years of inactivity—to support one side or the other.

In this special report, we look back at the development of the GamerGate controversy article from its earliest appearance to the present. The emphasis is on the difficulties of editing in controversial and topically overlapping areas, and on the ways that editors with strongly divergent perspectives can work together or at least alongside one another effectively, despite their differences. No Wikipedia article is ever considered to be in its final form, and this particular work in progress remains an object of considerable attention as new and related events in the larger (non-Wikipedia) world fan the flames of partisanship and prompt new edits. This retrospective should in no way be understood as an endorsement of the current form of the article.

A condensed history of the article's development

GamerGate is generally acknowledged to have begun, or at least reached critical mass, when Eron Gjoni posted a 9,425-word blog post containing serious allegations regarding his former girlfriend, independent game developer Zoë Quinn. It took less than three weeks for the first manifestations of one of the most vigilante-abetted public breakups in modern memory to slouch its way like a rough beast into our editing grounds. The general sense of reluctance to host an article on this topic was palpable in the early days of community discussion, and the associated WP:VG community discussion was heading slowly toward a consensus of "wait and see" when the inevitable happened: on 5 September 2014, Mckaysalisbury created an already trending CamelCase redlink and the GamerGate article was born.

As of publication time, the article has been the subject of one RfC, one RfM, 25 AN/AN/I filings, three arbitration requests, one Arbitration Committee case, four ARCA requests, and 48 arbitration enforcement requests. Much about this case presents a mixture of the good and bad: on the one hand, Wikipedia's "GG controversy" article has probably received more attention from mainstream reliable sources than any other WP:VG article; on the other hand, much of this attention is critical of Wikipedia.

It's probably fair to say that GG as a topic has attracted a large number of new editors to Wikipedia, but in the same breath it's probably fair to say that many of them came here to do battle and right great wrongs. As a controversy that falls along gendered lines, GG's relation to women in tech reflects and magnifies Wikipedia's own shortcomings in this area, but with the GamerGate and Gender Gap Task Force ArbCom cases behind us we can at least hold onto the fact that the issues are starting to receive the measure of the attention they deserve, and that they've played a role in the ripening of this important part of the discourse.

But is GG really an unmitigated disaster for Wikipedia? In speaking with editors active at the "GG controversy" article, we certainly don't hear glowing reports of collaboration and camaraderie, and the 47 archived talkpages pay sad tribute to this fact. Still, let's take a quick look back to see how we got from there to the present.

September–November

The GG article grew rapidly during its first two months, with more than a thousand edits each in (most of) September and (all of) October 2014. As eager to draw first blood as ever, the Wikipedia critic site Wikipediocracy posted a GG-related Wikipedian-outing article on September 8, which soon found its way to AN/I. Community fabric was further tested when GG editors Ryulong and Loganmac set up a tilting ground at AN/I in a pair of filings aimed at one another.

The "GG" article became the "GG (controversy)" article and then the "GG controversy" article in quick succession, and in late September the Gamergate ant made its way onto the main page, prompting entomologists across the region to give silent fist pumps. By early-to-mid-October, Jimbo Wales received his first GG-related talk page posting and the first GG-related mediation and arbitration requests were filed. Swedish online distributor GamersGate made an appearance on the main page late on October 14 and piqued enough curiosity to warrant a listing at DYKSTATS. GG associates TFYC got a main-page appearance shortly afterward.

By late October, the controversy had metastasized into an RfC, a second arbitration request, and a notorious list of alleged GamerGaters was making the rounds on the administrator's noticeboard (AN). Editors at AN spent October hammering out the first set of community sanctions (now enshrined at WP:GS/GG) and rounded out the month with its first two GG topic bans. The blistering 1000-edits-per-month pace slackened somewhat in November as editorial disagreements over content increased and positions hardened. The battle-lines were drawn and ArbCom finally consented to hear what the participants at "GG controversy" had to say for themselves.

GG by the numbers

• ArbCom/ARCA/AE cases: 1 (3 requests); 2 ARCA requests, 48 AE cases
• Number of sanctions/page protections: 18 blocks, 24 Tbans, 5 indeffs, 7 page-level sanctions, 27 protection level changes, 4 pending-change settings alterations, 3 cautions, a reminder, a reprimand, and an admonishment
• Period of peak growth; length of article: Sept. 5 – Nov. 1; ~150,000 bytes
• Top contributing editors: Ryulong, NorthBySouthBaranof, Masem, Strongjam, TheRedPenOfDoom, Aquillion, PeterTheFourth, Starship.paint, Brustopher, Halfhat
• Archive pages in talk: 47 pages, 9.99M bytes
• Word cloud analysis,: top 10 talkpage words: sources, article, gamergate/gg, reliable, game, harassment, discussion, claims, people, movement
• Number of GG threads at Jimbo Wales' talk archives: 21

December–January

December and January 2015 saw considerably fewer edits than the previous three months, as involved editors expended all of their efforts writing novellas for the arbitrators' collective amusement. Back at the article, page protections continued to stack up, and a large number of general sanctions were handed out.

Further removed from the locus of contention, Jimbo was questioned over his laissez-faire attitude toward a notorious competing list of alleged anti-GamerGaters making the rounds at GG's very own Wikia, and Wales was called on to settle a dispute between a "Gamergate controversy" editor and Slate writer David Auerbach, whose writing about Wikipedia would later be covered in a series of articles for the Signpost. Off-wiki, Reddit users established the WikiInAction and WikipediaInAction subreddits to track perceived injustices against GamerGate on Wikipedia.

The GG ArbCom decision was handed down at the tail-end of January, sanctioning several prominent editors at the GG article for violations of Wikipedia's behavioral policies. The decision was highly anticipated by Wikipedians and non-Wikipedians alike—so highly anticipated that a passel of reliable sources pre-empted it with their own versions of how ArbCom was sure to decide. In an attempt at damage control, ArbCom took the unusual step of issuing a statement that was soon followed up by an explanatory post at Wikimedia's official blog.

When the final decision was rendered nearly a week after the first prognostic reports of the decision had been published, it turned out that the reliable sources were not entirely correct on all of their specifics, but with truth serving as handmaiden to verifiability at Wikipedia, a disingenuously RS-sourced article entitled "ArbitrationGate controversy" was soon created to tweak our collective nose and then deleted to smooth our collective brow.

February–present

February saw an increase in edits as second-wave "Gamergate controversy" editors of both persuasions signed up to carry on the good fight now that a number of the previous champions had been unceremoniously curb-sided. The first few arbitration enforcement (AE) requests were successful in obtaining sanctions. In mid-March, AE imposed a "500 edit/30 day minimum account qualification" on the GG controversy article, which slowed editing by new editors to a comparative crawl, and Wikipedia's GG-specific watchdog-watching group, SeaLionsOfWikipedia, was established to track and maintain lists of Wikipedians adjudged to hold public or closeted pro-GG sympathies.

Slow editing speeds continued through April and May, although they experienced a slight rise for third quarter, perhaps related to the publication of a small number of off-Wikipedia retrospective articles reminding readers of the issues that had originally led to GG in the third quarter 2014. And that brings us up to the present date in the middle of the fourth quarter. The rate of editing now hovers around 200 edits per month—considerably lower than this same time last year, but still high enough to be a hurdle for editors who may not be interested in devoting large portions of time catching up to speed on the article.

Tracing the lede

Wikipedia ledes are intended to summarize the contents of articles, so by tracing the changes in the lede we can get an idea of the changes in the body. Due to significant levels of revert-warring and campaign-like efforts to alter the lede, this report focuses specifically on the first sentence of the lede, where "GamerGate" is defined. Definitions have ranged in length from 54 to 506 characters, and the tone and tenor have drifted in either and both directions throughout the past year. Below are a set of three graphs depicting the history of this definitional sentence's many alterations from 5 September 2014 to 5 September 2015:

• The first graph shows how many lede-sentence edits were made each day during this first year, and is intended to examine the partisan character of edits at periods of increased and decreased editing.
• The second graph is a timeline portraying the degree of dynamism in the tone of the lede sentence.
• The third graph depicts the range in lengths of the lede sentence that the article has gone through in the last year. These latter two graphs are intended to explore the issue of stability in article content.

10

20

30

40

50

60

Sep.

Oct.

Nov.

Dec.

Jan.

Feb.

Mar.

Apr.

May

Jun.

Jul.

Aug.

Sep.

•   GG-friendly
•   Anti-GG
•   GG-neutral

The graph displays the number of times the lede sentence was edited per day, and the nature of the edits. Anti-GG edits are here defined as edits that introduce words such as "misogyny", "sexism", "harassment", "astroturf", etc. to the lede. GG-friendly edits, by contrast, insert words such as "ethics", "movement", "journalism", etc. Edits identified as "GG-neutral" represent alterations to the lede that either contain nothing of partisan significance to either side (e.g. edits that correct punctuation and spelling) or that introduce or remove language of partisan significance to both sides of the dispute.

Large numbers of edits with essentially evenly matched colors generally represent edit- or quasi-edit wars. The lede sentence has played host to at least 15 edit wars in the past year. The most significant issues leading to edit-warring concern whether or not GG is a movement—the orthodox GG position is "yes", and the orthodox Anti-GG position is "no"—and whether concerns over journalistic ethics or misogynistic motivations are the driving forces of the campaign (GamerGaters claim ethics, and Anti-GamerGaters claim misogyny). Other more minor issues include disagreements over whether or not GG can be properly described as a criminal or terrorist organization (the reader is here left to guess the orthodox positions).

  Pro-GamerGate – using words such as "ethics", "movement", "journalism", etc.

  Anti-GamerGate – using words such as "misogyny", "sexism", "harassment", "astroturf", etc.

  Both

  Neither

In this graph and the one below, we examine the durability of the ledes. The dark-blue bar represents one year's time (5 September 2014 – 5 September 2015). Vertical red lines divide the timeline into months, and the vertical white lines represent periods of editing activity related to the lede sentence. The multicolored line above the dark-blue line corresponds to the tone of the lede sentence. Segments colored teal contain only negative words like "misogyny", "sexism", "harassment", "astroturf". Segments colored fuchsia contain only words that GG supporters endorse (e.g. "ethics", "movement", "journalism"). Yellow-colored segments contain both kinds of words and olive-colored segments contain neither kind of word. The resulting graph seems to show that a GG-friendly (or GG-ambivalent) tone seems to have been more commonly accepted during the early periods of the article's construction, and that this tone has been generally dropped since the start of November 2014. The graph below demonstrates the durability of the exact wording of the lede.

Here we see a depiction of variations in the length of the lede sentence over time. In comparing this graph to the timeline above it, a general trend can be observed: the longer the lede, the less likely that a single ideological stance will dominate. Particularly long ledes representing only one position tend to reflect particularly partisan approaches to the topic, and are often characterized by "piling on" language. Such ledes tend to have very short lifetimes as other editors quickly revert or otherwise modify them. Shorter ledes, however, tend to be more stable even when they contain language that conflicts with the position taken by some editors. For controversial topics such as GG, this is likely due to editorial adherence to the "due weight" policy.

A brief chat with some of the major players

Anyone interested in participating at the GG controversy article has a lot of work in store to catch up to speed: the article talk page and its 47 archives clock in at nearly 10 million bytes. The participants have strong personalities and little tolerance for those with apparent agendas or whose suggestions repeat previous suggestions buried in the talk page archives. In part, this is understandable. In a situation where all aspects of editorial discretion must be the result of local consensus, new participants whose suggestions challenge the current consensus can be perceived as a threat to the stability of the article. This is doubly true when new participants arrive in numbers.

The result is perhaps inevitable: the main participants are those who are thoroughly steeped in the culture, who have actively participated for the longest, and who possess an intimate understanding of the history of the article and the social turmoil underlying the article's topic. But this set of "GG controversy"-article experts are often quite far from ideological alignment, and persistent tensions have boiled over more than once. At present, at least three of the top 10 article editors have been topic- or site-banned as a result of their participation at the article.

We discussed the article with some of its most frequent early contributors; In anticipation of problems arising from contacting and publishing responses from prominent banned editors, we contacted a member of the Arbitration Committee, who clarified that neither the printing of answers nor the responses of the banned individuals would constitute violations of their sanctions. Responses are reported here exactly as written except for potential BLP issues, and questions have been interpolated in some cases to allow for the addressing of common themes. Efforts were made to interview others from the late-2014 editing period, but contact information was lacking in several cases, and in other cases we either received no response to our request for an interview or knock-back. We decided early in the interviewing process to focus primarily on editors who had been active in the later 2014 editing period, and to avoid contacting sanctioned users in any way on-Wiki.

When, where, and how did you first hear of GamerGate?

• Mark Bernstein – August or September 2014, through Stacey Mason who studies games at the University of California, Santa Cruz.
• Masem – I may have read on some of the initial complaints that Quinn had received in the few days after the Gjoni post, but I absolutely remember actually seeing Phil Fish's Polytron Twitter get hacked and reading on that the next day of being connected to the whole situation.
• The Devil's Advocate – I have a difficult time recalling where I first learned of it. The first time I caught wind of the controversy was back in August when [feminist media critic] Anita Sarkeesian got a death threat on Twitter that contained her home address. Having spent over a year monitoring her article it quickly came up there, but it was brought up on Wikipediocracy at essentially the same time in connection with the Zoe Quinn controversy, and I also had a habit of Googling for coverage whenever Sarkeesian's latest video dropped.
• Ryulong – I had heard rumblings of it though social media when it first started but I didn't really know what was going on until I saw the mess on Wikipedia.

In 2 or 3 words maximum, how would you describe GamerGate? In your view is the Wikipedia article on GamerGate essentially neutral and accurate?

• Mark Bernstein – 2–3 words: juvenile criminal conspiracy
  The Wikipedia article is not entirely satisfactory, but on the whole it reflects the consensus of reliable sources.
• Masem – "A complicated situation". I would argue that the article is accurate (in that we cover the history of the situation reasonably close to how events unfolded) but not neutral (in how that history is approached).
• The Devil's Advocate – A1: Charlie Foxtrot.
  A2: HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHA!!!!!! Okay, in all seriousness, there is a fundamental conflict with how Wikipedia's policies approach a subject and what is required to have a truly neutral and accurate description of GamerGate. Given widespread sourcing bias and general lack of media competence in covering niche controversies, a false view of GamerGate may always be the majority view and thus get more space than I think it deserves. The most we can hope for with the article is to have it comply with Wikipedia's policies and guidelines. Just looking at the lede it is clear to me the article falls far short of that standard.
• Ryulong – "Entitled reactionary clusterfuck" is as simple as it can get. The Wikipedia article is as good as it's going to get really. Gamergate supporters are going to be like the Scientologists, climate change deniers, and LaRouche supporters that came to Wikipedia before them, never satisfied that the article is "neutral" enough to their liking.

Had Wikipedia's article on the topic improved, degenerated, or remained about the same during your period of activity at the article? Has it improved, degenerated, or remained about the same since your last edit there?

• Mark Bernstein – The article has grown considerably, and is somewhat improved. The use of Wikipedia to harass Gamergate victims has abated although attempts persist.
• Masem – It has gotten degenerated since the article started, not helped by the actual situation of GG get more nastier as time progressed. Strictly in terms of the scope of WP, it has gotten more difficult to talk on a neutral basis due to a combination of issues: the topic has attracted editors that feel very strongly against the GG situation (particularly after the ArbCom decision and the outside attention that got); and the steps that had to be taken to remove sockpuppets and similar new accounts/IPs (the 500 edits/30 days editing restriction for example) had also caught a few false positives of well-intended editors looking to bring other viewpoints in but with too few edits to participate. It has also not helped that the reliable sources have done a poor job in covering the story in a neutral or non-opinionated manner as the events have progressed.
• The Devil's Advocate – I think when I was active there I made a good effort at moving it towards a more accurate and neutral take on the issue despite a good deal of resistance, especially when I dared to include a single well-sourced paragraph saying supporters of GamerGate had been harassed as well.
  The article has become significantly worse since I was topic-banned. Unfortunately, admins aren't really doing their job to restrain POV-pushing by editors who have a hostile view of GamerGate.
• Ryulong – The article certainly isn't awash with baseless accusations against the people victimized by Gamergate as was most certainly the problem when everything started. It was decent when I stopped contributing and it's better now than it was then.

Mark Bernstein, you joined Wikipedia as an editor all the way back in September 2006, but your level of editing has increased exponentially since 2013. The number of your edits from 2015, for example, is close to three times that of your number of edits from 2013 and 2014 which in turn are more about four times your rate of contribution in 2012. To put it differently, if we extrapolate a comparable rate of editing for you through the end of the year then your edits from 2015 will be nearly twice as many as all of your edits from the previous 9 years. Part of this probably reflects the fact that you are editing at one of the more contentious and fraught regions of the encyclopedia. In the interest of transparency we should note that you have received a few blocks during this time (5 blocks of varying duration – 3 of which were reversed or shortened), and you have been brought before ARBCOM/AE/ANI/AN/3RR a dozen or so times since your last block. But sanctions from these venues were never applied and you have now been editing successfully and uninterruptedly for nearly 6 months. Can you tell us how you have avoided some of the pitfalls that other editors operating in this arena ran into? Have you spent more time reading up on the rules before running into them? Have your persecutors' efforts backfired by fatiguing the administration and were you given greater latitude because your efforts were more clearly well-intentioned?

• Mark Bernstein – Wikipedia's disciplinary processes are designed to protect it against childish vandals and isolated cranks. Wikipedia was and remains unprepared for Gamergate's coordinated assault — an assault ultimately assisted by eminent Wikipedians and which could command the support of a legion of zombie and brigaded accounts. One change in recent months is that it is now permissible to say what we have long known to be true.
  When Gamergate demanded that five editors they disliked be banned, Wikipedia acquiesced. Within days, Gamergate returned with a fresh enemies list. I wasn't one of their Five Horsemen Of Wiki Bias, but I think it's safe to say that securing my removal or extorting my silence has been a daily priority since the Arbcom decision.
  There's no symmetry here. Gamergate relentlessly sought to discuss the sex lives of their intended victims at Wikipedia; putting an end to that is entirely in keeping with Wikipedia policy. Gamergate relentlessly sought to smear Wikipedians whose opinions Gamergate found inconvenient, spreading filthy sexual slanders, demanding they lose their jobs, threatening them on-wiki and off. The only escape was to let Gamergate have its way.

WP:VG Newsletter – You have posted at your blog several comments that cast Wikipedia in a very negative light. The Guardian notably based one of their articles on your claim that Wikipedia had "purged [feminists] en bloc from the encyclopedia", and that ArbCom would allow "GamerGaters [] to rewrite their own page (and Zoe Quinn's, Brianna Wu's, Anita Sarkeesian's, etc.)". Has your view of Wikipedia changed since you posted those comments? Do you feel that Wikipedia's structure and culture has changed on its own, that you have contributed to bringing about such a change, or that it has remained the same but that you have learned more about it? If it's better than your initial blog posts suggest then how can Wikipedia better go about eliminating the concerns of outsiders (i.e. those that Wikipedians consider to be the readership) in matters like this?

• Mark Bernstein – Though my writing was quoted by The Guardian (as well as by writers in Gawker, The Mary Sue, Neues Deutschland, der Standard, Vice, Think Progress, de Volkskrant, Social Text, and others), that article was reported by Alex Hern and the staff of The Guardian. I cannot take credit for their hard work.
  What I wrote in [my blog posts] "Infamous", "Thoughtless," "Careless," and "Reckless" was correct: Gamergate launched a long-planned Arbcom case to secure the ban of five feminist editors, and the preliminary decision did ban them. (The final decision made a token gesture of only admonishing TheRedPenOfDoom; his ban was secured a little while later.) What surprised me (and, I believe, also surprised the arbitrators) was the courage a new group of editors showed in continuing to defend Wikipedia and its policies. Their success was costly, but thus far they have proven adequate to the task.
  The key effect of the public outrage over the infamous Gamergate decision was its demonstration that Gamergate could not conquer Wikipedia. If Wikipedia were to accede to Gamergate's demands and once more began to serve as a platform for harassing female software developers, public outrage would force Wikipedia to uphold its policies. Nonetheless, Gamergate's supporters at Wikipedia have persisted in their fervent — and futile — efforts, exacting a tremendous toll on its volunteers and its reputation.
  Despite many urgent calls, neither administrators nor Arbcom have been willing to address the effects of rampant harassment of Wikipedia volunteers or to find a solution to Gamergate's continuing assault. That Wikipedia is open to manipulation by other groups, similarly organized but with greater resources, goes without saying; I am aware of no realistic effort to address or remedy the problem.

As a researcher and expert in hypertext, would you say it's accurate to describe Wikipedia as a work of hypertext? Have the events arising from GamerGate surprised you? Inherent to crowd-sourcing is the tension between the extremes of a no-holds-barred anonymous anarchic society and a nanny/police-state society where real-world-linked accounts are required and all contributions are monitored for heterodoxy by teams of censors. It seems inevitable that loud protests will be heard from either or even both of the extremes whenever an organization adopting this content-growth model takes a step in either direction. How does one gage where to draw the line and should the line be continually in flux to match the vagaries of societal norms?

• Mark Bernstein – would you say it's accurate to describe Wikipedia as a work of hypertext? – Absolutely. That's how I came to be program chair of Wikisym, after all.
  Have the events arising from GamerGate surprised you? – Gamergate has surprised, astonished, and deeply dismayed me. When I was in graduate school, nearly half my colleagues were women: we weren't quite there, but we were getting close. Throughout my career, nearly half of my colleagues in my particular corner of software research have been women – fewer than half if you count noses, though on balance women held more of the most influential positions. We weren't quite there, but we were getting close.
  Gamergate's crusade to expel women from the software industry shows that we're not even close; we've gone back to the 19th century.
  Inherent to crowd-sourcing is the tension between the extremes – You draw a false dichotomy here in assuming that opposition to criminal efforts to use Wikipedia to punish women for daring to pursue their profession must necessarily require nanny-state censors, and you assume that the appropriate response to harassment is to seek 50% less harassment.
  What Gamergate made clear – Gamergate's true innovation – is that Wikipedia is nearly defenseless against an organized group who work together to advance their aims. Wikipedia's governance mechanisms are designed for protection against children and isolated cranks; faced with a concerted attack, Wikipedia would have been helpless had a handful of editors not stepped in to uphold Wikipedia policy. When Gamergate insisted that those editors be banned, Wikipedia meekly complied; fortunately for Wikipedia, others stepped into their place. Wikipedia has not even been able to muster the courage to approve a token resolution against sexual harassment, or the decency to express sympathy with people against whom Wikipedia has been used as a weapon.

Masem, you are one of a small handful of WP:VG editors engaged in this. Do you feel stranded or out of your comfort zone? How can the WP:VG sub-community do more to make life at that article easier (less partisan, more pragmatic and consensus-based, etc.)? Do you have any ideas concerning what Wikipedia can do to better dissuade POV-pushing and encourage neutral third parties to enter a fray like we see at the GamerGate article?

• Masem – The one thing that has taken a while for the GG situation to come to but is now apparent is that the VG industry has come to realize that GG is a product of the overall community (gamers, industry, journalists) that has been lingering for a long time, and having these issues pushed into the mainstream spotlight due to GG coverage by the major press outlets. Despite all the bad stuff that has happened, it is a moment of enlightenment that was needed for the video game industry, and we can already see the effects this has had on the industry in terms of addressing sexism, diversity, and other issues. I don't think the resolution is done yet, but from the WP:VG side of things, we should be treating the GG article as a keystone moment in the VG industry and trying to write it from that stance. We know a lot of bad stuff has happened, and that has to be documented, but we should be less about the blame game as the current article does, and instead look towards what this has meant in changes to the industry (even if these weren't the changes that GG really wanted).

You're an admin and on this topic you're pretty clearly an "involved" admin. Can you talk a little about the difficulties of handling violations in areas where your actions could be perceived as biased?

• Masem – It can be very tempting at times to use admin powers to block a voice you don't like, but I have been extremely careful to even think of considering that here. As an admin, in general, you have to wear one hat while contributing as an editor to an article, and a different hat when you are looking at preventing disruption of WP, and that's the stance I've been taking for the GG article, in that I'm just one voice, and do not expect my admin status to mean anything special.

You have been described by the online name-and-shame group, SeaLionsOfWikipedia as a kind of leoni marino de tutti leoni marini. What is a "SeaLion" in this context and why do you think you have been labelled this way?

• Masem – "Sealion" is a general term that those opposed to the GG movement have adopted to call anyone associated with the movement, based on a Wondermark webcomic [1]. (In the comic, a sea lion randomly breaks into a conversation when one character mentions "sea lions" and continues to pesters the characters for some time, and was done as a allusion to how GG proponents were reacting on social media.) I know I have been labeled as a sealion because while I do not side with the GG movement, I also don't take the line that the anti-GG would like to have drawn (one that is a highly critical, condemning take on the GG movement) and instead want a more neutral stance; in such a polarizing situation as GG is, this type of attitude makes me appear as a GG supporter or a sealion. Further, there were claims earlier that I was engaging with GG supporters to get them to help edit the GG article on WP, leading this charge. I know my name has been bantered around the various GG forums as "based Masem", and before the SPA controls were added to the articles, those new editors would often iterate the points I made about neutrality, so I can certainly see how this appears that I am leading them. But I have avoided any interactions with this groups on purpose, much less to use the groups as a tool to challenge the WP article. Everything I've done on the WP article is simply my own purpose of writing a neutral article on a difficult situation to write neutrally about.

You have made the case that in areas where the reliable sources may have a vested interest in skewing the truth (e.g. in cases where sources are covering the propriety of their own actions), it may be important to emphasize truth at the expense of verification. Is that accurate, and can you elaborate on that a little?

• Masem – My intention is not so much about emphasizing the truth but, going back to my short summary of GG, it is "a complicated mess", and it should be readily clear that the truth is unknown. There are things that we simply don't know because of the nature of GG's apparent disorganization; what their true motives are (if they are different from what is claimed), and who has engaged in harassment, for example. We also have a situation of where the press and their actions are put into question, and with no evidence to judge on, it's difficult to take the press's word they have done no wrong as fact. So much of the GG coverage are details that we cannot validate as the truth as a third-party. To that end, my stance for most of the article to apply WP:YESPOV's advice, and report much of what can't be clearly verified or have been argued against by others as claims rather than fact as other editors of the page insist we do. This does not weaken our verifyability policy, since we still are reporting and sourcing these claims and not trying to substitute those with a specific truth that cannot meet WP:V. At the end of the day, this remains a controversy and like many other controversies there is no one right answer. Wikipedia has covered these in the past with fairly neutral coverage, there is no reason that the GG cannot be handled in the same way.

The Devil's Advocate, your user page displays a "private name" user template indicating that you would like your name to remain confidential. Do you feel any internal conflict over your participation in the Wikipediocracy forum when WO is responsible for the doxxing of multiple Wikipedia editors including those who might be reckoned to be aligned with your perspective on the GamerGate issue? In your estimation are external watchdog groups like Wikipediocracy effective in their efforts to counteract what has been called Wikipedia's "House POV"? Why or why not?

• The Devil's Advocate – To some extent I see parallels with the coverage of GamerGate and how Wikipediocracy is perceived by many in the Wikipedia community. I once had to deal with an editor routinely referring to me as a member of the "boxcutter crew" because of a, long-deleted, remark from someone on WO about wanting to "slit some nerd throats" with a boxcutter because of corruption concerns at a Wikimedia chapter organization. Biggest difference is that the person who made that remark was a moderator at the time while none of the threats, hacks, swattings, or doxings, covered in the media have been provably connected to anyone active in GamerGate let alone a significant figure.
  I have never taken seriously anyone's attempt to try and associate me with other people's behavior on Wikipediocracy, which is why my user page contains a joking homage to the "box-cutter crew" attack. There are many times when I have strongly disagreed with the course the site and other forum members have taken with a given issue and GamerGate has proven to be one of those issues. For me it has never made sense to associate a group with the worst of its actors or even to tarnish a person with their worst actions and I suspect those doing it are just looking for an excuse to avoid covering something favorably that they don't want covered favorably. After all, you don't see many (as in any) hit pieces about Wikipediocracy in major media, despite them referencing and even working with the site regarding Wikipedia controversies.
  As to Wikipediocracy's effectiveness, I am sure you can ask other members who will be able to give a far better and more detailed explanation, but I do believe it has been effective in many cases at exposing abuse of Wikipedia's vulnerabilities as a relatively open editing community. That exposure has on many occasions led to those abuses being addressed.

To what extent do you believe underdog politics is at play in the GamerGate arena? Is it your sense that the kind of editor who is drawn to the GamerGate article is either a dyed-in-the-wool GamerGater or feminist, or is this more of a conflict between otherwise ideologically disengaged editors who simply disagree with the balance that is struck between objective neutrality and RS-proportional coverage? Are there (m)any actual GamerGaters or Feminists editing the article?

• The Devil's Advocate – I do not think it is a distinction between GamerGaters and feminists as there are feminists who support GamerGate and not all opponents of GamerGate are feminists. As is the case in every controversy that makes its way onto Wikipedia, people actively taking part in the GamerGate dispute outside Wikipedia on all sides have also been taking part in it on Wikipedia. What matters is that the people involved are willing to collaborate and work towards an article that presents the most comprehensive and neutral view of the topic. I can't speak for everyone, but I personally got involved because I wanted to help give GamerGate a fairer shake than they were getting on Wikipedia. Also, I happen to agree that the news is full of shit.

The outcome of the GG ArbCom case landed with particular heaviness on two editors: Ryulong and you. Ryulong was outright banned, and you received a total of four sanctions including behavioral prohibitions and topic and noticeboard bans. The majority of the (reliable) press, when considering the issue, seem to expressed disapproval or discomfort with the ArbCom outcome. Some have characterized it as an ostensibly even-handed ruling with anti-feminist consequences insofar as several feminists editors at the article were removed while the GamerGate accounts that were removed were primarily throwaway and sock puppet accounts. Is that an accurate assessment?

• The Devil's Advocate – Nope, none of the editors named as parties in the case could be fairly described that way. I do think it came down harder on editors taking a harsh stance against GamerGate, but that was partly because those taking a more moderate or sympathetic stance had already been getting taken down or driven away in droves. ArbCom simply took a step towards balancing the scales.

What is your take on the fact that only around 1 in 12 editors at the GamerGate article are female? (For comparison, female membership of the four WikiProjects under whose aegis GamerGate falls stand at around 1 in 33 for Video Games, at around 1 in 9 and 1 in 12 for Internet Culture and Journalism respectively, and at more than 2 to 1 for Feminism). Is the gender gap a problem at Wikipedia? Do you suspect that squabbles like that which has occurred and which is currently occurring at the GamerGate article are more likely to increase female participation (e.g. by providing an issue around which females might be inclined to rally) or to decrease female participation (e.g. by providing a toxic arena of partisanship and legalism rather than one of compromise and dialogue)?

• The Devil's Advocate – The gender gap is definitely a problem. Whenever one group dominates a space it can create a systemic bias and I have seen some clear instances of that bias affecting Wikipedia. However, there is also a problem with people taking issues that affect all editors or all content and making it all about one gender. Not every action that negatively affects a woman on Wikipedia is caused by the gender gap. I think the controversy over the ArbCom case and the overall GamerGate dispute on Wikipedia is one of those situations that has been wrongly treated as a gender gap issue and that has provided a cover for a lot of bad behavior.

One of the more interesting examples of the crossover between Wikipedia and other online communities comes in the form of Auerbachkeller, a tech writer for Slate whose recent articles on Wikipedia have been dissected in The Signpost (See "additional readings" below). Auerbach's October 2014 "Divide and Conquer Plan" article for Slate (advancing the idea that GamerGaters are a heterogeneous group that might be neatly divided by responding to reasonable concerns over journalistic ethics while ignoring unreasonable misogyny-based concerns) raised the hackles of many who are opposed to GamerGate. A subsequent response in Salon by Elias Isquith (arguing that any effort to find common ground with those who self describe as GamerGaters is a dangerous mistake) was then used off- and on-Wikipedia to criticize Auerbach's article. Auerbach soon joined Wikipedia, demanding the removal of summaries that misconstrued his position, and provoking commentary from Jimbo Wales on the involvement of editors at the GamerGate article page. These and other actions taken on Wikipedia have earned him the title of "professional Sea Lion" at the online name-and-shame group, SeaLionsOfWikipedia. There is a small number of ostensibly or professedly neutral parties like Auerbach, including administrators involved in content-edits (e.g. Masem), and in sanctions enforcement (e.g. Gamaliel). This kind of editor is frequently vilified by the ultra orthodox on either side of the debate, but is this fair to them? How do you view their treatment in relation to this issue? Is it possible to remain neutral on a topic this polarizing?

• The Devil's Advocate – I wouldn't describe Gamaliel as neutral, even if he insists otherwise, and I believe both Auerbach and Masem consider themselves to be anti-GamerGate. That said it is revealing how certain people are so readily branded as sympathizers with GamerGate simply for not taking the harshest stance imaginable. You run into serious difficulties trying to handle an issue objectively when people on one side treat any hint of sympathy for the other side as spirited support, especially when they unironically view the other side as terrorists. Seems that is more of a problem for opponents of GamerGate than supporters, though I have seen it from supporters as well. Neutrality is certainly possible, but people who are neutral are more likely to avoid these kinds of polarizing situations. The real focus should be on objectivity and fairness and that is where I believe Auerbach and Masem differ from their critics.

Ryulong, can you explain the most significant ways that Wikipedia's dispute resolution structure frustrates or constrains the efforts of well-intentioned editors? Should Wikipedia have special fast-track channels (perhaps akin to WP:PROD and WP:SPEEDY in the AfD realm) for "raid" cases where large numbers of non-Wikipedians arrive en masse to force a change? Should Wikipedia provide specialists (perhaps from the among the clerks) with informed perspectives on the content rather than treating each case as nothing more than an examination of behavior?

• Ryulong – I think that the 300/50 (or whatever it is) rule that came about certainly helps matters, but there definitely should be some process to deal with issues like these before they reach the level of arbitration. It's unfortunate that these topical restrictions and honor system restrictions come after the fact, because when it comes to these extremely controversial topics (or at least topics where there's external pressure being put on Wikipedia), it helps to keep those who know what they're doing around while also restricting contributions from new people who may not be acting in good faith.

Is there really a debate here, or is it just manufactured by a radical fringe? Has Wikipedia elevated the equal treatment of both sides of this debate at the expense of passionate editors who have little patience for positions far from the mainstream?

• Ryulong – There was never a debate. It's a group of people in a them vs. the world situation, as has happened with other infamous arbitration cases in the past (Church of Scientology, LaRouche, climate change, etc.). It's a small group of people with loud voices and vicious behavior behind them. Any discussion of Gamergate should at the least say what they want people to say about them (which is that they're about "ethics in video game journalism") but then use the dozens of analyses that prove that they're anything but what they claim to be.

Are there any positives that have come from your involvement in Wikipedia's GamerGate article? Do the positives outweigh the negatives in this case? Do you view your involvement with the topic as a mistake? How would you advise others to approach their own involvement?

• Ryulong – There's not much positive that's come about from my involvement in the article. The only thing that's happened is that I have a larger group of acquaintances on Twitter and I have to sit back and watch messes I would usually clean up on Wikipedia get worse. And I don't really know if my involvement was a mistake. The Wikipedia page is as good as it can get but I do have a peanut gallery watching my every move on Reddit now, which is worse than it was before when it was only 4chan commenters disliking translation choices. And my advice is don't do it unless you're prepared to have your entire online history dredged up to be determined if you're on their side, cause if you're not, I hope you like being listed on all their hitlists.

Wikipedia has struggled in the past with issues where Wikipedians have online presences that extend beyond Wikipedia. Some believe that off-wiki behavior should be considered and even sanctioned on-wiki. Others would maintain a strict separation of on-wiki and off-wiki behavior even going so far as to sanction those who draw connections between on- and off-wiki accounts for "outing". Do you have any thoughts regarding this issue in light of the various off-wiki actions of participants on either side GamerGate divide?

• Ryulong – There certainly comes a point where actions off of Wikipedia should be taken into account with regards to the person's behavior on Wikipedia. If it's obvious that someone is part of a group operating in the open off-wiki to affect people and content on-wiki, then their behavior as part of that group should be taken into account. Agendas are very easy to discern when it comes to topics as divisive as Gamergate, and people with mostly identical screennames acting in identical ways on two different websites should be taken into account.

Speaking as someone who has been the target of cruel and offensive off-wiki profiling in response to your involvement with the article, can you speak about the extent to which this controversy has become personalized? In your view is this the "new normal" for the social media generation?

• Ryulong – This is simply the nature of the reactionary assholes of the Internet, borne of 4chan and now spread throughout the rest of it. It's not really an issue of social media as much as it is the assholes who ruin things for everyone else.

You are among a small group of editors that were named the "five horsemen of wiki bias" by off-wiki forum commenters. What is a Horseman in this context and why do you think you were singled out for this label?

• Ryulong – Tarc, NorthBySouthBaranof, TheRedPenOfDoom, TaraInDC, and I were simply the five most active editors responding to the all of the Gamergate supporters, editors who came to the page to try to push for more dominant coverage of Gamergate's claims, which were never found in reliable sources (and as far as I'm aware still aren't). After we were banned in various ways, they turned their attention to Mark Bernstein, Gamaliel, and others who came to the article to edit it in good faith to continually respond to the same talking points that have been going around since August 2014. There's no real threshhold to be considered a "horseman of wiki bias". You simply have to edit the page in a way Gamergate supporters don't like.

Warmly received at RationalWiki following Wikipedia's ARBGG case, you seem to have made something of a home for yourself there. At a combined 1900 edits (and growing) on Wikipedia and RationalWiki, your personal contributions to the encyclopedic coverage of GamerGate is staggering. At RationalWiki your (at times) turbulent Wikipedian past has not proved to be an impediment. Would it be fair to say that this is because RationalWiki's 4 Purposes (see RW:ABOUT at RationalWiki) emphasize "documenting the full range of crank ideas" (purpose 2) whereas Wikipedia's 5 Pillars demand collaboration (pillar 4), neutrality (pillar 2), and encyclopedicness (pillar 1)? Without putting too fine a point on it, can you explain the most significant ways that Wikipedia constrained your efforts and whether you feel that these constraints are generally (e.g. in non-GG-related areas) helpful or harmful?

• Ryulong – Well "neutrality" is really the only thing that has caused any problems when it comes to Gamergate. There's a difference between neutrally and accurately covering a subject and giving undue weight to claims in order to push a false balance. As I've alluded to already, Gamergate supporters are on the same side as climate change deniers and others who think some mainstream entity is inherently biased against them and that their opinion on the subject should be given just as much credence as the one that dominates the discussion. For climate change denial it's the insistence that anthropogenic global warming is a myth. For 9/11 truthers it's that the government was involved in the attack on the Pentagon and World Trade Center. For birthers it's that President Barack Obama wasn't born in the United States. For Gamergate supporters it's that there's rampant corruption in the video game industry and their proof is a diatribe written by Zoë Quinn's ex-lover which only ever gained a foothold on known Internet troll den 4chan after it got banned from everywhere else. And yet they wonder why no one believes what they have to say (not that people haven't looked in on their activities which they do in public and reported on that, often at the behest of Gamergate supporters). The fact that RationalWiki's page on Gamergate called out all of Gamergate's regular lies (discovered from personal experience) just like they call out the lies that other entities peddle is what led me to join.

Having spent considerable time editing at both the Wikipedia and at RationalWiki versions of the GamerGate article, one wonders if you have had the opportunity to examine the coverage of this topic at other wikis. You may be aware that large articles on this topic exist at both Conservapedia and Encyclopaedia Dramatica. GamerGate supporters have at times operated their own wikis, and then there are at least 14 different non-English versions of the article at Wikipedia (often containing completely different content than the en.wikipedia version). How do these different versions compare in your opinion?

• Ryulong – Conservapedia and Encyclopaedia Dramatica are lost causes to everyone. From what I can tell, coverage on non-English Wikipedia projects is for the most part decent. Some focus too much on one miniscule aspect of the topic as a whole. But there is one which is just plain garbage because it's on a low traffic language project and no one (as I'm writing this) has edited it other than an IP editor and some local admins who tagged it with cleanup tags.

Concluding thoughts

Editors like your author look forward to the future of this article with very little trepidation. There is a sense on both sides of this controversial topic that there is no way to compromise with the other side. This is understandable and, given the nature of the debate and the fact that for some the middle of the road is already the other side, one hesitates to even suggest that compromise is possible.

Nevertheless, Wikipedia has a roughly 150,000-byte article on this topic that is relatively stable despite regular acts of disruption. This article wasn't created in a vacuum by one or the other side without the input of the other side, so there are indications that on some of the most basic elements a thin agreement exists. This isn't the same as a compromise, of course, but it's perhaps a useful mental starting point.

Wikipedia places a great amount of trust in its policies, guidelines, and community infrastructures to advance through intractable problems. Although the details may be somewhat subject to pettifoggery, the basic premise that content should be based on reliable sources instead of original research is one that both sides agree upon. The methods of determining reliability are also a matter of general agreement with dubious cases subject to review at RSN. For the rest of it (i.e. for those matters more within the realm of editorial discretion), it seems clear that time will act as the great panacea.

Despite the darkly muttered warnings and forecasts of doom arising whenever Wikipedia covers a contentious issue of pop culture given to spinning by groups of passionate and self-righteous editors, there are still reasons to be hopeful. The coverage of pop culture minutia depends on RS-conferred notability. The lowness of this bar for inclusion may be especially apparent when the topic is especially irritating, yet if multiple RSes cover a topic in sufficient depth to craft an encyclopedic article then the topic has become a cultural reference point however shameful it may be. Wikipedia here sets itself up to collect a kind of "cream" of our memetic "crop"—topics which have broken through and claimed attention from the gatekeeping institutions of cultural relevance, like newspapers, journals, academic papers, books, and other sundry reliable sources. In doing so, it establishes a firm toehold in the future as a reference work for researchers seeking to make sense of the output of our increasingly encoded and meme-driven society.

Where previous generations had to rely on a common pool of classicism for their allusions to Aeschylus and a moderately literate society for their oblique references to Yeats, future generations may well turn to Wikipedia for their explanations to ancient "Dancing baby" and "All Your Base" references etched on fading digital papyri in archival Geocities grottos. In the final analysis, your author is convinced that Wikipedia's coverage of low but culturally-referenced topics like GamerGate matters. And if it is any comfort to those who believe their side of the content wars is receiving far more push-back than is due, it is worth considering that there is nothing the historian loves quite so much as a correction that needs to be made for the record.

The article history at the GamerGate article records every non-BLP-violating previous version of the article and will presumably continue to do so while this encyclopedia retains its digital form. Prior edits are not lost, and the seeds for potential vindication have been sewn and are part of the record. Only time will tell if they are sufficiently viable to germinate. This battle within the greater culture war is winding down and moving into other realms, and it will be interesting to see how history treats this topic in the future. There is no question that the cultural anthropologists who would be interested in sifting through the background material on just the Wikipedia side of this controversial issue will have a true embarrassment of material to sift through.

Notes

Additional readings

• Auerbach, David (5 February 2015). "The Wikipedia Ouroboros". Slate. The Slate Group. ISSN 1091-2339.
• Chituc, Vlad (11 September 2015). "GamerGate: A Culture War for People Who Don't Play Video Games". The New Republic. Chris Hughes.
• Dewey, Caitlin (29 January 2015). "The Intersect: Gamergate, Wikipedia and the limits of 'human knowledge'". The Washington Post. Fred Ryan. Retrieved 12 October 2015.
• Flöck, Fabian; Laniado, David; Stadthaus, Felix; Acosta, Maribel (2015). Towards Better Visual Tools for Exploring Wikipedia Article Development — The Use Case of "Gamergate Controversy". 2015 International Conference on Weblogs and Social Media (ICWSM). Association for the Advancement of Artificial Intelligence (AAAI).
• Hern, Alex (23 January 2015). "Wikipedia votes to ban some editors from gender-related articles". The Guardian. Guardian News and Media. Retrieved 12 October 2015.
• Auerbach, David (28 October 2014). "How to End Gamergate". Slate. The Slate Group. ISSN 1091-2339.
• Isquith, Elias (1 November 2014). "Gamergate's infuriating myth: Why searching for common ground is a big mistake". Salon. Salon Media Group. Retrieved 12 October 2015.

From the Signpost

• Gamaliel. "News and notes: Superprotect, one year later; a contentious RfA – Contentious RfA draws nearly 300 participants". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 32, 12 August 2015.
• Harry Mitchell. "Arbitration report: We've built the nuclear reactor—now what colour should we paint the bikeshed? – Other business". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 7, 18 February 2015.
• Gamaliel. "In the media: Wikipedia on 60 Minutes, Kickstarter, and in the classroom – Another victim of notability?". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 14, 08 April 2015.
• Gamaliel and Andreas Kolbe. "In the media: Gamergate; a Wiki hoax; Kanye West". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 10, 11 March 2015.
• Gamaliel. "In the media: Is Wikipedia eating itself?". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 6, 11 February 2015.
• Gamaliel. "In the media: Gamergate and Muhammad controversies continue". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 5, 04 February 2015.
• Harry Mitchell. "Arbitration report: Slamming shut the GamerGate". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 5, 04 February 2015.
• Masem and Protonk. "Forum: Evaluating the Arbitration Committee's handling of GamerGate". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 04. 28 January 2015.
• Go Phightins! and Harry Mitchell. "In focus: Thirteen editors sanctioned in mammoth GamerGate arbitration case". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 04, 28 January 2015.
• Harry Mitchell. "Arbitration report: As one door closes, a (Gamer)Gate opens". The Signpost. Volume 11, Issue 03, 21 January 2015.
• Gamaliel. "In the media: Wales on GamerGate". The Signpost. Volume 10, Issue 50. 24 December 2014.
• Guerillero. "Arbitration report: In brief". The Signpost. Volume 10, Issue 40, 15 October 2014.

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This special report first appeared in the WikiProject Video Games newsletter. It has been formatted and edited for publication in the Signpost. The views expressed here are the author's alone and do not reflect any official opinions of this publication; responses and critical commentary are invited in the comments section.

Reader comments

2015-10-21

A more balanced week

By Armbrust

Apatosaurus holotype at the Carnegie Museum of Natural History

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This Signpost "Featured content" report covers material promoted from 11 to 17 October.
Text may be adapted from the respective articles and lists; see their page histories for attribution.

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Featured articles

St Denys' Church, Sleaford

Ang Lee received the Academy Award for Best Directing for his work on Brokeback Mountain

Ten featured articles were promoted this week.

• In Our Time (nominated by Victoriaearle) is Ernest Hemingway's first collection of short stories, published in 1925 by Boni & Liveright in New York. The stories' themes continue the work Hemingway began with the vignettes, which include descriptions of acts of war, bullfighting and current events.
• Vampire: The Masquerade – Redemption (nominated by Darkwarriorblake) is a 2000 role-playing video game developed by Nihilistic Software and released by Activision. The player controls Christof and up to three allies through a linear structure, providing the player with missions to progress through a set narrative.
• Ununseptium (nominated by R8R Gtrs) is a superheavy artificial chemical element with an atomic number of 117 and a temporary symbol of Uus. It is the second-heaviest known element and second-to-last element of the 7th period of the periodic table. As of 2015, fifteen ununseptium atoms have been synthesized.
• Oviri (nominated by Ceoil, Modernist, and C1cada) is a 1894 ceramic sculpture by French artist Paul Gauguin. Art historians have presented multiple interpretations of the work; usually that he intended it as an epithet to reinforce his self-image as a "civilised savage".
• St Denys' Church, Sleaford (nominated by Noswall59) is a medieval parish church in Sleaford, England. The exact date of the present building's construction is unknown. The oldest parts are the tower and spire, which date back to the late 12th and early 13th centuries; the stone broach spire is one of the earliest examples of its kind in England. The church is a Grade I listed building.
• SMS Prinz Adalbert (nominated by Parsecboy) was an armored cruiser built in the early 1900s for the German Kaiserliche Marine, and named after Prince Adalbert of Prussia. It served as a gunnery training ship, a role she held for the majority of her career. After the outbreak of World War I, she was assigned to the reconnaissance forces in the Baltic and was tasked with protecting the German coast from Russian attacks.
• Trout Creek Mountains (nominated by Jsayre64) is a remote, semi-arid Great Basin mountain range mostly in southeastern Oregon and partially in northern Nevada. Oriented generally north to south, the Trout Creek Mountains consist primarily of fault blocks of basalt, which came from an ancient volcano and other vents, on top of older metamorphic rocks. The southern end of the range, however, features many granitic outcrops.
• Apatosaurus (nominated by IJReid and LittleJerry) is a genus of extinct sauropod dinosaurs that lived in North America during the Late Jurassic period. It had an average length of 22.8 meters, and an average mass of at least 16.4 tonnes.
• Boroughitis (nominated by Wehwalt) was a political phenomenon in the American state of New Jersey in the 1890s. Attempts by the New Jersey Legislature to reform local government and the school systems led to the formation of dozens of low-population boroughs, communities small in area that still balkanize the state's political map.
• "R U Professional" (nominated by Cirt) is a 2009 satirical song by the American indie rock band the Mae Shi, inspired by a July 2008 outburst by actor Christian Bale on the set of Terminator Salvation. The song had a generally positive reception, and was praised as an effective parody of Bale's on-set disturbance.

Featured lists

Three featured lists were promoted this week.

• List of awards and nominations received by American Horror Story (nominated by GagaNutella) American Horror Story is a horror anthology television series created and produced by Ryan Murphy and Brad Falchuk. Each season is conceived as a self-contained miniseries, following a disparate set of characters and settings, and a storyline with its own "beginning, middle, and end". It has won 40 awards out of 179 nominations, including thirteen Emmy and one Golden Globe.
• List of accolades received by Brokeback Mountain (nominated by Johanna) Brokeback Mountain is a 2005 American epic romantic drama film directed by Ang Lee. The film depicts the complex emotional and sexual relationship between two men, Ennis Del Mar and Jack Twist, in the American West between 1963 and 1983. It has won 85 awards out of 137 nominations, including three Academy Awards.
• List of Millennium characters (nominated by Grapple X) Millennium is a crime-thriller television series which was broadcast from 1996 to 1999. Created by Chris Carter, the series aired on Fox for three seasons with a total of sixty-seven episodes. It starred Lance Henriksen, Megan Gallagher, Klea Scott and Brittany Tiplady. Henriksen played Frank Black, an offender profiler for the Millennium Group.

Featured pictures

Twenty-five featured pictures were promoted this week.

• 
  (created by Hans Holbein the Younger; nominated by SchroCat)
• 
  (created by the Fugger; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by H Padleckas; vectorised by Ju gatsu mikka; nominated by TomStar81)
• 
  (created by the Kingdom of France; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Kingdom of France; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by Charlesjsharp; nominated by Crisco 1492)
• 
  (created by Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres; nominated by SchroCat)
• 
  (created by the Chronicle Printing Works; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Federal Republic of Central America; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by Juan Gabino; vectorised by AlexCovarrubias; edited by Palosirkka; nominated by Cirt)
• 
  (created by Evan-Amos; nominated by Crisco 1492)
• 
  (created by Rembrandt; nominated by SchroCat)
• 
  (created by Thomas Sully; nominated by User:Crisco 1492)
• 
  (created by the Government of Kolberg; nominated by User:Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Government of Kolberg; nominated by User:Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Government of Kolberg; nominated by User:Godot13)
• 
  (created by Antonello da Messina; nominated by SchroCat)
• 
  (created by the Austro-Hungarian Bank and the Kingdom of Hungary; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Austro-Hungarian Bank and the Kingdom of Hungary; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Austro-Hungarian Bank and the Kingdom of Hungary; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Austro-Hungarian Bank and the Kingdom of Hungary; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Austro-Hungarian Bank and the Kingdom of Hungary; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Austro-Hungarian Bank and the Kingdom of Hungary; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Austro-Hungarian Bank and the Kingdom of Hungary; nominated by Godot13)
• 
  (created by the Austro-Hungarian Bank and the Kingdom of Hungary; nominated by Godot13)

Reader comments

2015-10-21

Wikipedia is significantly amplifying the impact of open-access publications

By Eamon Duede

How does the public learn about science? How do you? Most basic science literacy comes from primary and secondary school education. Of course, college can offer more formal scientific training, and, perhaps you got some of that, too. Yet, even if you are a practicing researcher, even if you are a world leading expert in this or that field, even still, science as a whole is bigger and mercilessly more diverse than your expertise will ever be. It turns out that, in many ways, you are just like everybody else and you read the science section of your favorite newspaper or magazine, maybe watch a science show, or listen to a science podcast.

Yet, in those more serious or desperate moments, when the stakes are really high, perhaps challenged over coffee as to when the Cambrian Explosion started, you turn to Wikipedia. But why? Teachers say you can’t trust it. You certainly can’t cite it in your senior thesis. Don’t even mention it in a scholarly, scientific, article submitted for peer review. So when you think you know about the Cambrian explosion and egos are at stake, can you turn to Wikipedia?

You can. In a recent study (currently under review), my colleagues Misha Teplitsky, Grace Lu, and I looked at the world’s 50 largest Wikipedias (the English language Wikipedia is just one of hundreds) to learn about the sources of the scientific information contained in them and whether those sources are reputable.

First, what would count as reputable? Well, satisfying answers to this question are notoriously nuanced. Here is a far too simplistic answer: a source is more reputable than another source if the former is relied on by scientists and scholars more than the latter. Journals can, in fact, be ranked in this way by an imperfect metric known as “impact factor” which is, put simply, the average number of times articles from that journal are cited in the literature. So, journals with high impact factors are relied on more than journals with low impact factors.

Now, when you edit Wikipedia to include a claim (as opposed to correcting grammar or spelling), you are required by Wikipedia’s guidelines to substantiate that edit by referencing a reliable source. For a pop or indie music claim, reliable sources might be Billboard or Pitchfork respectively. For a science related claim, a reliable source would simply be one that a practicing researcher is likely to cite in a scholarly paper, and that citation is likely to come from a scholarly, scientific journal.

Nevertheless, when it comes to science edits to Wikipedia, there has been some debate about whether the sources that are referenced are, in fact, reliable. And, this debate turns on a question about access to reliability.

Access to scholarly, scientific journals is either open or closed. Open-access journals make all of their published research freely available to anyone who cares to read it. Closed access journals sit behind paywalls and require extremely expensive subscriptions in order to read them. These subscriptions are so expensive that really only institutions of higher education and large companies with research and development arms have them. The intuition that motivates the debate about the reliability of referenced sources on Wikipedia is that the journals that are most heavily cited (that is, the journals with the highest impact factors) are almost uniformly “closed access”. So, the intuition continues, if you are a member of the general public making a science edit to Wikipedia, chances are you do not have access to the most heavily relied on sources and, in order to substantiate your claim, you will need to turn to something else.

To figure out whether this intuition hold for actual Wikipedia edits, we first turned to Elsevier’s Scopus database. This database indexes more than 20,000 peer reviewed scientific and scholastic journals. These are the journals that practicing researchers turn to. Of the journals indexed by Scopus, about 15% are classified as open-access.

Next, we looked at every reference on every page of each of the world’s 50 largest Wikipedias (the English-language version alone has about 5 million articles) to determine whether the reference cites a scholarly journal. When they did, we tried to match those journals to a journal represented in our pool of reputable sources indexed by Scopus. It turns out that, of the citations in Wikipedia that used a journal as a reference, we were able to match the majority to a journal indexed by Scopus. So, when Wikipedia editors make contributions to science topics, they tend to cite the same journals that practicing scientists cite.

Things get more interesting when you start to look at what Wikipedia editors are citing.

In the figure above, the left panel shows our pool of reputable sources; the number of articles published in the 26 major subfields of science and scholarship. If you are making a science edit to Wikipedia and you are including a citation to a reputable source, then your citation is most likely one of the articles represented in the left panel. The uneven distribution of candidate articles is rather remarkable. For instance, the arts and humanities and the social sciences do not publish nearly as frequently as, say, chemistry or physics. However, it would probably be a mistake to assume that the humanities or social sciences are somehow slower, or that they make less progress than chemistry or physics. What is reflected here are merely publication conventions. For one thing, papers in the social sciences tend to be quite long and chemistry papers tend to be quite short.

Yet, look at the right panel of the figure. This panel shows the percentage of the papers represented in the left panel that are actually distilled into content and referenced on Wikipedia. A considerably higher proportion of the reputable social sciences and humanities sources make it into Wikipedia. This could be an indication of many things. One might be that there is significantly more demand for citations from the social sciences than from chemistry. Perhaps Wikipedia editors require that claims to social science articles be substantiated with more citations than, say, a claim about the start of the Cambrian Explosion. This asymmetry opens up a whole space of intriguing questions, some of which my collaborators and I are looking into.

Primarily, the single biggest predictor of a journal’s appearance in Wikipedia is its impact factor – the higher the better. Yet, a really exciting finding to pop out of the data is that, for any given journal, those that are designated as open-access are 47% more likely to appear in Wikipedia than comparable closed access journals. It looks like Wikipedia editors are putting a premium on open access. It is important to emphasize that this does not mean that Wikipedia editors are citing “open-access” journals more often than closed access journals. What seems to really matter most to Wikipedia editors is impact factor. Nevertheless, when given a choice between journals of highly similar impact factors, Wikipedia editors are significantly more likely to select the open-access option.

There are so many possible reasons for this. Perhaps the open nature of Wikipedia itself inspires a kind of preference for similarly open resources. Maybe closed-access journals actually are more likely to appear in Wikipedia than comparable open-access journals at some point in time but that these citations are later removed when a suitable open-access alternative is found.

One thing is clear, Wikipedia is serving to significantly amplify the impact that open-access publications are making beyond the scientific community – an impact on society as a whole. Previous research by James Evans has shown that, while open-access policies have a very limited impact on scientific communities in developed countries, they serve to make findings more widely available, particularly to scientific communities in developing countries. Our study shows, when scientific findings are coupled with open knowledge sharing platforms such as Wikipedia, that this widening effect is, perhaps, even more pronounced.

Eamon Duede is Executive Director of Knowledge Lab, a computational science of science research center at the University of Chicago’s Computation Institute. This article originally appeared on the Impact of Social Science blog of the London School of Economics and is republished here with permission of the author.

Reader comments

2015-10-21

Four ArbCom cases ongoing

By GamerPro64

Another case has been accepted at ArbCom. The case of Catflap08 and Hijiri88 has been opened on 21 October. Filing party and admin Nyttend brought the ongoing dispute between Catflap08 and Hijiri88 to the committee's attention, at which time they were both blocked from editing. A previous discussion back in April 2015 resulted in an interaction ban between the two editors, though a later discussion at the Incident noticeboard was made in August by Catflap, saying that they were being hounded by Hijiri. Hijiri's statement on the case contends that Catflap was being disruptive, adding original research to pages, and in one instance, compared Hijiri and Sturmgewehr88 to Nazis. Catflap has not edited since 29 September and is semi-retired.

While this case has just started up, there are three others open as well: Editor conduct in e-cigs articles, Palestine–Israel articles 3, and Genetically modified organisms. It was pointed out in the comments for the last ArbCom report that even though the e-cig case has had its Workshop phase closed for over a month, its Proposed decision phase has not started yet. Compare that to the Palestine–Israel case, which was accepted three weeks later and already has its Proposed decision phase up and running with arbitrators already voting. The e-cig case will be decided on eventually, but how much longer is up in the air for now.

In Brief

• New arbitration trainee clerks – It was announced on 14 October that Amortias, JoeSperrazza, and Miniapolis were appointed as Arbitration clerk trainees.
• Gun control case amended The Gun control case was amended on 15 October to have the topic ban for Gaijin42, the filing party of the case, suspended for a year. The topic ban was editing articles related to gun control.
• Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ) case amended – The Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ) case was amended on 16 October to have remedy 2.2, which topic banned RAN on article creation, struck and have it replaced with remedy 2.3, which indefinitely prohibits him from not only creating articles but also draft articles in any namespace. He is also prohibited from moving any page into the article namespace from any other namespace.
• Yngvadottir desysopped – By motion, the Arbitration Committee removed the administrative privileges of Yngvadottir "For reversing an arbitration enforcement block out of process". This was done after Yngvadottir unblocked Eric Corbett (thread).

Reader comments

2015-10-21

Hiding under the covers of the Internet

By Serendipodous

We live in a harsh, uncertain world. There's an escalating war in Syria that seems to be drawing in the entire northern hemisphere, a resulting European migrant crisis, a slow rise to the boil of the unending Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and ever more school shootings in the US. But people aren't turning to Wikipedia to comprehend these things; they're turning to Wikipedia to, well, keep up with the Kardashians, follow their latest shows, and track the latest movies. Is the world hiding from itself? Or is Wikipedia not seen as a valid source for such information? Difficult questions. But then, those are in abundance these days.

For the full top-25 list, see WP:TOP25. See this section for an explanation of any exclusions. For a list of the most edited articles of the week, see here.

As prepared by Serendipodous, for the week of October 11 to 17, the 25 most popular articles on Wikipedia, as determined from the report of the most viewed pages, were:

Rank	Article	Class	Views	Image	Notes
1	Lamar Odom		2,067,704		At this point in their evolution, the Kardashian clan have coalesced into their own self-sustaining media ecology, independent of outside events, common sense, and perhaps even thermodynamics. The unconscious appearance of Odom, the former basketball star and divorced husband of Khloe Kardashian, at a Nevada brothel was not only enough to have him top the list, but to garner almost as many views as the next three topics combined—suggesting that a sizable portion of humanity is prepared to follow them onto their planet.
2	UEFA Euro 2016 qualifying		746,591		The English-speaking world has been well-served in qualifiers this year. This week's near-double jump in numbers was likely due to both Northern Ireland and Wales earning a berth at next year's finals in France.
3	Bernie Sanders		728,853		The junior Senator from Vermont, longest-serving Independent in US history, and self-described Democratic socialist has been for the left of American politics what Donald Trump has been for the right—the voice of angry disaffection. This week, he reappeared on this list after polls claimed he'd won this week's Democratic debate. While no one seriously expects him to win the Democratic nomination, he has provided a much-needed prod for Hillary, who has at times acted as if she was being ordained, rather than elected.
4	American Horror Story: Hotel		723,745		The fifth season of American Horror Story premiered on October 7. The second episode, "Chutes and Ladders", saw a decent-ish 50% drop in views from the premiere.
5	A. P. J. Abdul Kalam		584,665		This beloved former scientist and reluctant politician, whose death last July at the age of 83 led to him topping this list, reappeared on the week of his first post-mortem birthday.
6	Crimson Peak		580,155		Director Guillermo del Toro's everything-but-the-kitchen-sink Gothic romance has been declared merely "average" by critics, received a withering "B-" from the usually generous Cinemascore, and opened to a dead-on-arrival $12 million. Given this, it's interesting that it nonetheless managed to be the most viewed film of the week on Wikipedia—box office numbers have usually proved to be a good indicator of views. Perhaps it was del Toro's nerd-friendly back catalogue, or the presence of Marvel heartthrob Tom Hiddleston.
7	Pablo Escobar		572,268		The fascination with the Netflix series Narcos continues to keep the Capone of cocaine near the top of this list.
8	Deaths in 2015		538,797		The viewing figures for this article have been remarkably constant, fluctuating week to week between 450 and 550 thousand on average. The counts are apparently heedless of who actually died.
9	The Martian (film)		532,484		The adaptation of Andy Weir's popular novel about an astronaut stranded on Mars (played by Matt Damon) has grossed $319 million worldwide as of October 17 on a budget of $108 million.
10	The Walking Dead (TV series)		526,852		The show's sixth season premièred on October 11.

Reader comments

2015-10-21

Tech news in brief

By Wikimedia tech ambassadors

The following content has been republished as-is from the Tech News weekly report.

Latest tech news from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. Translations are available.

Recent changes

Tech News is trying to make reading the newsletter easier. The icon means the item is in the newsletter every week, but with new dates. The icon means the item is mainly relevant for readers with technical knowledge. You can leave feedback on this change.

Timestamps in the protection log will now be in the user's timezone. Previously they would show Coordinated Universal Time (UTC). [2]

Problems

A problem with MediaWiki made some pages show no content on October 14. This has now been fixed. [3]

Some templates were misplaced in the Flow description bar. This could make it impossible to click on links. This will be fixed this week. [4]

The deployment of the new MediaWiki version was stopped on October 14. No new code was deployed for the rest of week. This meant planned changes did not happen. [5]

Changes this week

Changes that were planned to happen last week will happen this week. [6]

Wikispecies, Meta and MediaWiki.org will be able to use Wikidata for sitelinks. [7][8][9][10]

Meetings

• You can join the next meeting with the VisualEditor team. During the meeting, you can tell developers which bugs you think are the most important. The meeting will be on 20 October at 19:00 (UTC). See how to join.

Tech news prepared by tech ambassadors and posted by bot • Contribute • Translate • Get help • Give feedback • Subscribe or unsubscribe.

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