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Michael Seidman argues that traditionally anti-fascism was seen as the purview of the [[political left]] but that in recent years this has been questioned. Seidman identifies two types of anti-fascism, namely revolutionary and counterrevolutionary:<ref name="Seidman 2017"/>
* Revolutionary anti-fascism was expressed amongst communists and anarchists, where it identified fascism and capitalism as its enemies and made little distinction between fascism and other forms of right-wing authoritarianism.<ref name="i006">{{cite journal | last=Conway III | first=Lucian Gideon | last2=Zubrod | first2=Alivia | last3=Chan | first3=Linus | last4=McFarland | first4=James D. | last5=Van de Vliert | first5=Evert | title=Is the myth of left-wing authoritarianism itself a myth? | journal=Frontiers in Psychology | volume=13 | date=8 Feb 2023 | issn=1664-1078 | pmid=36846476 | pmc=9944136 | doi=10.3389/fpsyg.2022.1041391 | doi-access=free | page=}}</ref> It did not disappear after the Second World War but was used as an official ideology of the Soviet bloc, with the "fascist" West as the new enemy.
* Counterrevolutionary anti-fascism was much more conservative in nature, with Seidman arguing that Charles de Gaulle and Winston Churchill represented examples of it and that they tried to win the masses to their cause. Counterrevolutionary antifascists desired to ensure the restoration or continuation of the prewar old regime and conservative antifascists disliked fascism's erasure of the distinction between the public and private spheres. Like its revolutionary counterpart, it would outlast fascism once the Second World War ended.
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