Palestinian enclaves: Difference between revisions
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#REDIRECT [[Israel and the apartheid analogy]] |
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|image1=Oslo II Accord map of Area A and B.jpg |
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|image2=West Bank Bantustans proposed in the Trump Peace Plan Map (cropped).jpg |
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|caption1=Area A and B under the [[Oslo II Accord]] |
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|caption2=Proposal in the [[Trump peace plan]] |
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|width1=187 |
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}} |
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The '''West Bank bantustans''',{{efn|Also contracted as “Palutustans”<ref>{{cite book|title=Israel and Palestine: Alternative Perspectives on Statehood|publisher=Rowman and Littlefield|author=Oren Yiftachel|p=320|chapter=Between One and Two: Apartheid or Confederation for Israel/Palestine?|quote=The experience of the past four decades puts a question mark over this assumption. If a Palestinian state is not established, Israel will most likely continue to administer the area, pos- sibly allotting crumbs of sovereignty to Palestinian groups in areas that will continue to function as “Palutustans” (Palestinian Bantustans).}}</ref>}} or '''West Bank cantons''', figuratively described as the '''Palestine Archipelago''',<ref>Barak, O. (2005). The Failure of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process, 1993-2000. Journal of Peace Research, 42(6), 719-736. Retrieved November 12, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/30042415</ref><ref>Baylouny, A. (2009). FRAGMENTED SPACE AND VIOLENCE IN PALESTINE. International Journal on World Peace, 26(3), 39-68. Retrieved November 12, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20752894</ref><ref>Peteet, J. (2016). The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid. Anthropological Quarterly, 89(1), 247-281. Retrieved November 12, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/43955521</ref> are the proposed noncontiguous [[Enclave and exclave|enclaves]] for the Palestinian population of the [[West Bank]] under a variety of [[Israeli–Palestinian peace process|US and Israeli-led proposals]] to end the [[Israeli-Palestinian conflict]].<ref>[http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/689d27cc-7a98-11e2-9cc2-00144feabdc0.html Settler policy imperils Israel's foundations, ''Financial Times'', 21 February 2013]: "Faced with widely drawn international parallels between the West Bank and the Bantustans of apartheid South Africa, senior figures in Mr Netanyahu's Likud party have begun to admit the danger."</ref><ref name="Chaichian2013">{{cite book|author=Mohammed Chaichian|title=Empires and Walls: Globalization, Migration, and Colonial Domination|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=toxWAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA271|date=13 November 2013|publisher=BRILL|isbn=978-90-04-26066-5|pages=271–319|chapter=Bantustans, Maquiladoras, and the Separation Barrier Israeli Style}}</ref> |
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The terms have also been used to describe '''Areas A and B''' under the 1995 [[Oslo II Accord]], and the similar but less formal situation between 1967 and 1995.<ref>Harris, B. (1984). The South Africanization of Israel. Arab Studies Quarterly, 6(3), 169-189. Retrieved November 12, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41857718</ref> Under the terms of the Oslo Accords, the area of the West Bank controlled by the [[Palestinian National Authority]] is comprised of 165 "islands".<ref name="Thrall2017">{{cite book|author=Nathan Thrall|title=The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1oXZDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA144|date=16 May 2017|publisher=Henry Holt and Company|isbn=978-1-62779-710-8|pages=144|quote=90 percent of the population of the West Bank was divided into 165 islands of ostensible PA control}}</ref> |
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The bantustan structure underpinned many of Israeli “final status” proposals for the conflict, including [[Allon Plan]], the WZO plan, [[Menachem Begin]]’s plan, [[Benjamin Netanyahu]]’s “Allon Plus” plan, [[2000 Camp David Summit]] and [[Ariel Sharon]]’s proposals.<ref name="BeininStein2006">{{cite book|author1=Joel Beinin|author2=Rebecca L. Stein|title=The Struggle for Sovereignty: Palestine and Israel, 1993-2005|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EVN_FhziN_EC&pg=PA346|year=2006|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-5365-4|pages=346–|quote=Israel responded to the second intifada with a strategy of collective punishment aimed at a return to the logic of Oslo, whereby a weak Palestinian leadership would acquiesce to Israeli demands and a brutalized population would be compelled to accept a “state” made up of a series of Bantustans. Though the language may have changed slightly, the same structure that has characterized past plans remains. The Allon plan, the WZO plan, the Begin plan, Netanyahu’s “Allon Plus” plan, Barak’s “generous offer,” and Sharon’s vision of a Palestinian state all foresaw Israeli control of significant West Bank territory, a Palestinian existence on minimal territory surrounded, divided, and, ultimately, controlled by Israel, and a Palestinian or Arab entity that would assume responsibility for internal policing and civil matters.}}</ref> and most recently, the [[Trump peace plan]] |
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Debate has continued as to whether the existing or proposed arrangements are contiguous or noncontiguous. |
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==History== |
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===1967-1995=== |
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Israeli plans for the splitting up of the West Bank into smaller islands of Palestinian reserves began shortly after the Israeli conquest of the West Bank in the 1967 [[Six Day War]].<ref name="HanssenGhazal2020">{{cite book|author1=Jens Hanssen|author2=Amal N. Ghazal|title=The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle-Eastern and North African History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1z0HEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA278|date=20 November 2020|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-967253-0|pages=278|quote=During the early days of the occupation a handful of senior Israeli officials and army officers advocated unilateral plans for a Palestinian satellite mini-state, autonomous region, or “canton” — Bantustan actually — in the northern half of the West Bank, but the policymakers would have none of this.}}</ref> By the early 1970s, Arabic-language magazines began to compare the Israeli proposals for a Palestinian autonomy to the [[Bantustan]] strategy of South Africa.<ref>Andrew James Clarno (2009)[http://hdl.handle.net/2027.42/127105 The Empire's New Walls: Sovereignty, Neo-liberalism, and the Production of Space in Post-apartheid South Africa and Post-Oslo Palestine/Israel], p. 66–67</ref> |
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===Oslo Accord and subsequent peace plans=== |
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The 1995 Oslo Accords offered the Palestinians over 60 disconnected fragments;<ref>[[Saree Makdisi]] (2005) “[https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/430974 Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation].” Critical Inquiry, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 443–461: "In any case, what was on offer at Oslo was a territorially discontinuous Palestinian Bantustan (divided into over sixty disconnected fragments) that would have had no control over water resources, borders, or airspace, much less an independent economy, currency, or financial system, and whose sovereignty, nominal as it was, would be punctuated by heavily fortified Israeli colonies and an autonomous Jewish road network, all of which would be effectively under Israeli army control. Even this, however, was never realized."</ref> by the end of 1999 the West Bank had been divided into 227 separate entities, most of which were no more than 2 km<sup>2</sup> (about half the size of New York's [[Central Park]]).<ref>[[Sara Roy]] (2004), [https://www.jstor.org/stable/20007687 The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Palestinian Socioeconomic Decline: A Place Denied], International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 17(3), 365-403: "By December 1999, the Gaza Strip had been divided into three cantons and the West Bank into 227, the majority of which were no larger than two square kilometers in size. Both areas were effectively severed from East Jerusalem. While Palestinians maintained control over many of the cantons and were promised authority over more if not most, Israel maintained jurisdiction over the land areas in between the cantons, which in effect gave Israel control over all the land and its disposition. Hence, the actual amount of land under Palestinian authority proved far less important than the way that land was arranged and controlled."</ref> |
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===Trump peace plan=== |
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The 2020 [[Trump peace plan]] proposed splitting a possible "[[State of Palestine]]" into five zones:<ref name=Lustick>[[Ian Lustick]], (2020), [https://www.arabworldgeographer.org/doi/pdf/10.5555/1480-6800.23.1.20 The One-State Reality: Reading the Trump-Kushner Plan as a Morbid Symptom], The Arab World Geographer, Vol 23, no 1, p.23</ref> |
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* A reduced [[Gaza Strip]] connected by a road to two uninhabited districts in the [[Negev]] desert; |
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* Part of the southern West Bank; |
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* A central area around [[Ramallah]], almost trisected by a number of [[Israeli settlements]]; |
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* A northern area including [[Nablus]], [[Jenin]], and [[Tulkarm]]; |
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* A small zone including [[Qalqilya]], surrounded by Israeli settlements. |
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According to Professor [[Ian Lustick]], the "appellation “State of Palestine” applied to this archipelago of Palestinian-inhabited districts is not to be taken any more seriously than the international community took apartheid South Africa’s description of the bantustans of Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and Ciskei as “independent nation-states.”"<ref name=Lustick/> |
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==Names== |
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The name “cantons” is considered to imply a neutral concept where political implications are left to be determined, whereas the name “bantustans” is considered to imply economic and political implications and the lack of meanginful sovereignty.<ref>Farsakh, L. (2005). [http://www.jstor.org/stable/4330126 Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?], Middle East Journal, 59(2), p.231: "Ariel Sharon, Israel's Prime Minister since 2001, had long contended that the Bantustan model, so central to the apartheid system, is the most appropriate to the present Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Others, by contrast, have maintained that the Palestinian territories have been transformed into cantons whose final status is still to be determined. The difference in terminology between cantons and Bantustans is not arbitrary though. The former suggests a neutral territorial concept whose political implications and contours are left to be determined. The latter indicates a structural development with economic and political implications that put in jeopardy the prospects for any meaningfully sovereign viable Palestinian state. It makes the prospects for a binational state seem inevitable, if most threatening to the notion of ethnic nationalism."</ref> |
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==Notes== |
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{{notelist}} |
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==References== |
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{{reflist}} |
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[[Category:West Bank]] |
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[[Category:Israeli–Palestinian peace process]] |
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Revision as of 15:06, 13 November 2020
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